From@RihardsKolsRussia is a state that security services have created and run in their own interests, and such a state of affairs is systemic, not temporary. Putin is not an anomaly that stands above a normal state apparatus. He is a product of this apparatus. And so will be the one who comes after him. https://t.co/BdNP0vzOSz
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From@CardinalisRavusAnother vatnik from the Stepaņenko gang squirms when asked something about Putin, the leader of the occupying terrorist state 🤦♀️ https://t.co/WHEZOHYk4P
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From@NaurisPuntulisI have worked for 100 days as Minister of Culture in the government of Prime Minister A. Kulbergs. Upon taking office, I set several priorities at the forefront of the work to be done, all of which have now been implemented to the extent that they have already been reviewed or submitted to the Cabinet of Ministers, so they are no longer on my desk, and part of the draft laws I have advanced are already on the Saeima's agenda. 🔗More here: https://t.co/sgrwAmUTS3
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Braže: Closer EU and US cooperation strengthens transatlantic security
Due to Broka's incapacity for work, the court postpones the hearing of the case on possible bribery.
Otherwise nothing will change. https://t.co/XCAANI2Jcw
From@JazepsBaskoParty 'Mēs mainām noteikumus' Riga list's 21st number is @JaksRaimonds — he is also the translator of Friedrich Hayek's books 'The Road to Serfdom' and 'The Constitution of Liberty' (will be published after the elections) into Latvian. On Facebook he wrote a good article: WHY VOTING FOR @partijaMMN IN THESE SAEIMA ELECTIONS IS THE MOST RATIONAL CHOICE Latvia's main problem is not one or another unsuccessful government, but the system itself, which creates weak incentives for politicians, diffuse responsibility, growing bureaucracy and ever-increasing state expenditures. Therefore, voting for MMN is the most rational choice, because MMN offers not another manager of this system, but an attempt to change the rules themselves. Some, in my opinion, important points: 1. Latvia's problem is not a lack of new promises, but a system in which bad decisions repeat. Parties for many years promise better health, education, demographics, roads and higher salaries. MMN goes one level deeper: electoral system, state administration structure, personal responsibility, budget formation and the amount of regulation. The program's center is indeed electoral reform and a 'general cleanup', not increasing individual expenditure programs. 2. MMN is the only choice where the voter votes for a change of the political system. The proposed STV or single transferable vote system would allow the voter to rank specific candidates, also from different political forces, in smaller electoral districts. This would reduce party leadership control over which people actually end up in the Saeima and increase competition among the candidates themselves. MMN points to Ireland's long experience with this model. Even a voter who does not agree with the entire MMN program may rationally vote for the party if he considers the current political selection mechanism to be one of the causes of Latvia's stagnation. 3. The economic philosophy is consistent. MMN does not offer simply another way to redistribute existing money. Its chosen direction is reducing state intervention, lower regulatory burden, a flat PIT rate, 10% MUN up to €50,000 turnover, abolishing real estate tax for the only home, reducing state competition with the private sector and reducing the number of state-owned companies. So for those who believe that Latvia's growth is hindered more by an excessively large state, too much regulation and weak economic incentives, rather than insufficient state intervention, MMN's offer is ideologically consistent. 4. MMN offers something politically much more difficult than financing new programs. It offers to give up the existing. Zero-based budgeting would mean that expenditures are not automatically carried over from the previous year; each function would have to be justified anew. The necessity of each function, program and position would have to be evaluated. The program also provides for the liquidation or merger of institutions, reducing the number of state-owned companies and achieving a balanced budget within one Saeima term. This is significant because almost any party can name things that need more money. Much rarer does politics begin with the question: what should the state no longer do at all? 5. In the MMN model, the principle of responsibility is important. The program's formulation is very simple: for each decision and matter there must be one responsible person. This seems like an administrative detail, but in fact it touches one of the classic problems of public administration. It redefines the collective process where there are many coordinators, commissions and institutions, but in case of failure it is difficult to identify personal responsibility. 6. MMN combines a conservative view of society with economically right-wing policy. The party itself associates its conservatism with national sovereignty, freedom of speech, private property and family, while right-wing economic policy is associated with reducing tax and regulatory burden. In Latvian politics, such a combination is not self-evident: nationally conservative rhetoric quite often coexists with economically interventionist policy. 7. Voting for MMN is therefore a higher-yield political vote. If you vote for a traditional party and it gains a few extra mandates, the system will essentially remain the same. But if MMN gains sufficient political influence, its main demand (transformation of the electoral system and state administration) will also change the quality of the next elections and governments. ----- If you liked what you read, donate to the party 'Mēs mainām noteikumus' victory — for radio advertising. Mēs mainām noteikumus LV98HABA0551051692851 Payment order: Donation, [Name Surname], personal code XXXXX-XXXXX, radio victory
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From@goldiijsHey @Valsts_policija, what kind of inadequate staff do you have working there? Video from FB.
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I have worked for 100 days as Minister of Culture in the government of Prime Minister A. Kulbergs. Upon taking office, I set several priorities at the forefront of the work to be done, all of which have now been implemented to the extent that they have already been reviewed or submitted to the Cabinet of Ministers, so they are no longer on my desk, and part of the draft laws I have advanced are already on the Saeima's agenda. 🔗More here: https://t.co/sgrwAmUTS3
Party 'Mēs mainām noteikumus' Riga list's 21st number is @JaksRaimonds — he is also the translator of Friedrich Hayek's books 'The Road to Serfdom' and 'The Constitution of Liberty' (will be published after the elections) into Latvian. On Facebook he wrote a good article: WHY VOTING FOR @partijaMMN IN THESE SAEIMA ELECTIONS IS THE MOST RATIONAL CHOICE Latvia's main problem is not one or another unsuccessful government, but the system itself, which creates weak incentives for politicians, diffuse responsibility, growing bureaucracy and ever-increasing state expenditures. Therefore, voting for MMN is the most rational choice, because MMN offers not another manager of this system, but an attempt to change the rules themselves. Some, in my opinion, important points: 1. Latvia's problem is not a lack of new promises, but a system in which bad decisions repeat. Parties for many years promise better health, education, demographics, roads and higher salaries. MMN goes one level deeper: electoral system, state administration structure, personal responsibility, budget formation and the amount of regulation. The program's center is indeed electoral reform and a 'general cleanup', not increasing individual expenditure programs. 2. MMN is the only choice where the voter votes for a change of the political system. The proposed STV or single transferable vote system would allow the voter to rank specific candidates, also from different political forces, in smaller electoral districts. This would reduce party leadership control over which people actually end up in the Saeima and increase competition among the candidates themselves. MMN points to Ireland's long experience with this model. Even a voter who does not agree with the entire MMN program may rationally vote for the party if he considers the current political selection mechanism to be one of the causes of Latvia's stagnation. 3. The economic philosophy is consistent. MMN does not offer simply another way to redistribute existing money. Its chosen direction is reducing state intervention, lower regulatory burden, a flat PIT rate, 10% MUN up to €50,000 turnover, abolishing real estate tax for the only home, reducing state competition with the private sector and reducing the number of state-owned companies. So for those who believe that Latvia's growth is hindered more by an excessively large state, too much regulation and weak economic incentives, rather than insufficient state intervention, MMN's offer is ideologically consistent. 4. MMN offers something politically much more difficult than financing new programs. It offers to give up the existing. Zero-based budgeting would mean that expenditures are not automatically carried over from the previous year; each function would have to be justified anew. The necessity of each function, program and position would have to be evaluated. The program also provides for the liquidation or merger of institutions, reducing the number of state-owned companies and achieving a balanced budget within one Saeima term. This is significant because almost any party can name things that need more money. Much rarer does politics begin with the question: what should the state no longer do at all? 5. In the MMN model, the principle of responsibility is important. The program's formulation is very simple: for each decision and matter there must be one responsible person. This seems like an administrative detail, but in fact it touches one of the classic problems of public administration. It redefines the collective process where there are many coordinators, commissions and institutions, but in case of failure it is difficult to identify personal responsibility. 6. MMN combines a conservative view of society with economically right-wing policy. The party itself associates its conservatism with national sovereignty, freedom of speech, private property and family, while right-wing economic policy is associated with reducing tax and regulatory burden. In Latvian politics, such a combination is not self-evident: nationally conservative rhetoric quite often coexists with economically interventionist policy. 7. Voting for MMN is therefore a higher-yield political vote. If you vote for a traditional party and it gains a few extra mandates, the system will essentially remain the same. But if MMN gains sufficient political influence, its main demand (transformation of the electoral system and state administration) will also change the quality of the next elections and governments. ----- If you liked what you read, donate to the party 'Mēs mainām noteikumus' victory — for radio advertising. Mēs mainām noteikumus LV98HABA0551051692851 Payment order: Donation, [Name Surname], personal code XXXXX-XXXXX, radio victory
While in Ukraine, we had the opportunity to participate in the opening of the child protection and support center 'PANDA'. 🇺🇦 Most of all, what stayed with me from this visit was the photo exhibition showing mothers holding phones with photos of their children. A simple way that tells very heavy stories. At the PANDA center, children affected by war and violence will be able to receive legal, psychological, social, and medical help in one place. Being here, we share Latvia's experience with great joy and at the same time learn from Ukraine, so that each of us can provide the fastest, gentlest, and most understandable help possible for children in our own country. 🤝 It is important not only to achieve the return of Ukrainian children illegally deported by Russia, but also to think about what happens afterwards. So that the child does not remain alone with what they have experienced, and so that all involved specialists and institutions can act together, react quickly, and provide the child with exactly the help they need. Thank you to Ukraine's Minister of Justice Denys Maliuska, the PANDA center team, and the people of Ukraine for the opportunity to be present at this significant moment.
Since taking office as head of the Interior Ministry, Dombrava has banned entry to Latvia for about 90 foreigners.
In 100 days, Dombrava has barred around 90 foreigners from entering Latvia (1)
@ama1ek @Braze_Baiba This is still a compliment https://t.co/O24L5e2j2e
From@ama1ekThe state's chief DIPLOMAT, ladies and gentlemen. Which diplomacy school teaches this? @Braze_Baiba ? https://t.co/icMqQlhoD5
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From@liana_langaRussians and Stepaņenko cannot answer why there are so many Russians in Latvia. And no, the listener's question did not cross any line, Russians cannot admit that they are in Latvia as a result of the Soviet occupation crime and the time has come to return to Raška. #AtkrieviskoLatviju https://t.co/iNoXMvEv7r
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In Latvian regions, high-level companies operate successfully, and their products are known far beyond our country's borders. We can be proud of municipalities that are able to attract such investments. #development #Liepaja #jensenmetal
In Latvia, bureaucratic requirements must be reduced so that our working entrepreneurs can compete with companies from other countries, earn higher incomes, and thus also pay more in taxes. I received another confirmation of this when meeting with entrepreneurs at the Tosmare Shipbuilding and Repair Plant https://t.co/9KXJwZx3nX
Finally the little hands managed to earn a penny. https://t.co/y7fxmk8VmK
From@rebaltica🗣️ Prime Minister Andris Kulbergs (AS) said in the debates that 3,500 ministry employees cost the state 2 billion euros a year. That is not true – this sum is allocated to almost 60,000 state budget institution employees. 👉🏻 We explain: https://t.co/vB6bJR1wbZ #vēlēšanas2026
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Of the 61 government priorities, 16 have been fully implemented, but Kuulbergs is optimistic (1)
✔️ Preparation for the next EU funds planning period; ✔️ Potential change to the municipal financial equalization system. On these and other important issues, a valuable conversation with Liepāja city council leadership, heads of structural units, and experts. #municipalities #Kurzeme #Liepāja https://t.co/8EUKvhAdTS
UNCOMFORTABLE FOR THE GOVERNMENT - NEEDED FOR LATVIA! “Austošā Saule Latvijai” Kurzeme candidate list. https://t.co/WrGNU2Sjvl